In the house, we sat on the floor with children and, as a rule, insisted on sitting in the backseat of cars when we rode along on family outings. Outside, we played ball with children or hung around while they played with their friends. Middle-class children, especially, spent quite a bit of time waiting for adults. We waited, too.
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As I explain in Appendix A, the rule of thumb was not to criticize and not to intervene unless a child was in imminent danger. Unquestionably, our presence changed the dynamics as we were sitting in living rooms watching television, riding along in the backseat of the car to a soccer game, watching children get into their pajamas, or sitting in church with them. Over time, however, we saw signs of adjustment e. Many families reported that, especially after the initial adjustment, their behavior changed only in modest ways, if at all.
The children found participating in the project enjoyable. In middle-class families, chil- Lareau E. Accordingly, there are those who believe that as a white woman, I should not have studied Black families. Conversely, they might object to having a Black research assistant visit a white middle-class family.
They assert that it is more desirable, or even necessary, for gays to study gays or women to study women.
Six Part Essay on Annette Lareau's Unequal Childhoods
Some worry that outsiders may get it wrong. Others assert that having white researchers in Black families is not a legitimate undertaking. There are no easy answers to these contentious debates. In this study, the design grew out of the local context see Appendix A for details. But more generally, I have a philosophical difference with the young woman in the seminar that evening. This does not strike me as the best approach for understanding complex social problems. It also has the invidious effect of relegating every Black social scientist to studying Black Americans rather than whatever suits his or her fancy.
What about members of the same ethnic group who are of a different gender: Are the walls blocking understanding equally high? This book takes the position that it is possible for outsiders of a group to study across boundaries. It reports findings from a study that used ethnographic methods to try to understand children in a wide variety of social locations: boys and girls, middle-class, working-class and poor families, and white and Black families. In addition, the research teams were racially and ethnically diverse as well as diverse by social class background , which, as I show in Appendix A, influenced what we learned in our visits.
Some reviewers worried that given the contested character of race relations in the United States, the behavior patterns described in this Lareau E. The results could be taken out of context and exploited by others, particularly political conservatives. Some early readers encouraged me not to report results that might be used to reinforce negative images of, for example, poor Black families. The fact that the manuscript includes portraits of poor white families as well as Black families did not completely assuage these concerns.
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A key problem is that most readers will be middle class or, as college students, on the road to becoming middle class, even if they had working-class or poor origins. As readers, they will have their own childhoods and their own lives as parents or future parents as a base for what they consider appropriate. This cultural and historical frame can become the basis for interpreting the discussion. This interpretation, though, is rooted in a particular vision of childhood—one involving development and concerted cultivation.
Still, it is in fact possible that the results of this study could be distorted or used to promote political positions that I find repugnant. Thus, although urged to do so, I have not omitted data on this criterion. Organization of This book The next chapter describes the schools that most of the children in the study attended and where we visited during the year. It also briefly discusses different approaches to understanding why inequality exists.
Although the Tallinger family was wealthier than many, the same patterns appeared over and over again in other middle-class families.
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By contrast, children such as Tyrec Taylor a Black working-class boy spent time playing outside with friends Chapter 4. Even then, as the case of a white poor girl, Katie Brindle, shows, mothers engaged in enormous labor to get children through the day Chapter 5. Unlike children in the Tallinger family, both Tyrec Taylor and Katie Brindle played in a sphere separate from that of adults.
In Part II, I show how these differences in the organization of daily life are also interwoven with language use, with an emphasis on reasoning in middle-class families and directives in the working-class and poor families. I illustrate this with the case of Alexander Williams Chapter 6 , a boy from a Black middle-class home, and Harold McAllister Chapter 7 , a Black boy living in poverty.
The case of Stacey Marshall, a Black middle-class girl whose mother constantly scrutinized and interceded in her life outside the home, is the subject of Chapter 8. In contrast to their middle-class counterparts, working-class and poor parents depended on the leadership of professionals. At times, since the educators expected parents to follow strategies of concerted cultivation, the results could be difficult, as with Wendy Driver, who was not reading in fourth grade Chapter Other times, working-class parents found themselves powerless and frustrated, as standards of behavior they felt were appropriate such as self-defense on the playground or hitting a child for purposes of discipline were denigrated and, indeed, seen as possible signs of child abuse.
The case of Billy Yanelli Chapter 11 shows these tensions. In the conclusion, Chapter 12, I revisit the general question of the influence of social class on daily life. I point to important ways that social class did not appear to matter in shaping daily life in such areas as neatness, order, and sense of humor. Overall, however, I identify important ways that class shapes the logic of child rearing in the home and the value these strategies are accorded as children move into the rest of the Lareau E. In sum, I see it as a mistake to accept, carte blanche, the views of officials in dominant institutions e.
Indeed, outside of institutional settings there are benefits and costs to both of these logics of child rearing. For example, concerted cultivation places intense labor demands on busy parents, exhausts children, and emphasizes the development of individualism, at times at the expense of the development of the notion of the family group.
In other historical moments, a ten-year-old child who gave orders to a doctor would have been chastised for engaging in disrespectful and inappropriate behavior. Nor are the actions of children who display an emerging sense of entitlement intrinsically more valuable or desirable than those of children who display an emerging sense of constraint. In a society less dominated by individualism than the United States, with more of an emphasis on the group, the sense of constraint displayed by workingclass and poor children might be interpreted as healthy and appropriate.
The benefits that accrue to middle-class children can be significant, but they are often invisible to them and to others.
Wright Mills The families described in this book created their lives within a specific social context. They did not build the roads they rode on, hire the teachers who taught in the schools their children attended, decree which parks would be well maintained, decide how rapidly the city would clear snow from the streets, establish the values of the homes on their street, or compose the racial, ethnic, or social class balance of their schools or neighborhoods.
Nor did they determine the availability of high-paying jobs in the area, set the education and skills required to fill those jobs, pace the growth of the national economy, or guide the position of the United States in the world economy. Yet these elements impinged on the lives of these families, albeit on some more directly than on others.
One way to conceive of this context is to say that individuals carry out their lives within a social structure. There are many definitions of social structure, but they generally stress regular patterns of interaction, often in forms of social organization. The actions of individuals are guided by norms rules or guidelines for specific situations. Over time, some of these rule systems—encoded in bureaucracies, legal proceedings, and bureaucratic regulations—coalesce into institutions.
To understand the biography of an individual, we must understand the significance and meaning of the roles he has played and does play; to understand these roles we must understand the institutions of which they are a part. This kind of mingling of rich and poor is relatively unusual, however. In short, children grow up within a broad, highly stratified social system. In this chapter, I sketch key aspects of this social structural context for the children and families who participated in the study.
Unequal Childhoods By Annette Lareau
I focus on the two target schools, Lower Richmond in the city and Swan in the suburbs, describing each institution and its surrounding community. I also discuss some of the ways social scientists and others explain the persistence of inequality in our society. Located on a narrow street in a large northeastern city, the school looks forbidding: it is three stories tall and is surrounded by a high, gray chain-link fence.
The building is old, with a dirty beige exterior and few windows. There are patches of paint splotched on the walls here and there to cover up the graffiti that appears regularly. To the side and back of the school are an asphalt playground and a small basketball court; in front, there are trees and a patch of grass, but the children may not play in this area during school hours. Kindergartners have a separate playground, also all asphalt, but the walls surrounding the play area display cheerful murals painted by the children.
Just inside the entrance to the school, a security guard sits at a desk. Many of the students come by bus from a poor Black housing project about ten minutes away. The school itself is located in a mainly white working-class residential neighborhood dominated by small, inexpensive homes. See Table C2, Appendix C for descriptive social and demographic data. These complexes are racially integrated.
Lower Richmond enrolls about one-half Black students and one-half white students. Less than 5 percent of the students are Asian or Hispanic. Most of the educational staff members, including the principal, are white; but there are Black educators too, including the third-grade teacher whose classroom I observed, the school counselor, the reading resource teacher, and the music teacher. Most of the support staff members, such as the secretary, security guard, janitor, and bus driver, are African American.
A majority of the student body qualifies for free lunches. Only a few blocks from the school is a small shopping district with gas stations, a pizza shop, an ice cream shop open only in warmer months , a 7—11 convenience store, and a hardware store.
Unlike in some urban neighborhoods, in this area, commercial and residential rental properties are fully occupied; abandoned buildings are not a problem here. It is a solid, working-class neighborhood, with narrow streets, older two-story red brick buildings in good repair, and enough business customers and employees that parking is scarce.
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There are sufficient trees and flowers growing here and there to break the monotony of the concrete pavement and buildings and to mark changes in the seasons. Buildings are densely packed. Large stores are uncommon: Supermarkets are few and far between, and discount stores, such as Target and Wal-Mart, are not part of the neighborhood. Residents must drive to the suburbs to gain access to cheaply priced goods. Traffic in the area around Lower Richmond is hectic. City buses roar up and down the street a few times per hour, and cars speed through intersections. Horn blasts are frequent. The high density of housing and the lack of garages bring neighbors into more contact with one another than might occur otherwise.
Many auto-related activities, from washing or repairing cars to digging them free of snow, take place in the street. As in most urban centers nationwide, crime is a concern here, particularly graffiti, burglary, and petty theft.